Caracas Chronicles

The upcoming municipal elections not only reflect the opacity and erosion of electoral integrity seen in past contests, but also reveal a stagnation of leadership in Venezuela’s regions—across both opposition and pro-government camps—driven by a combination of factors, including repression and political persecution.

Scheduled for July 27, these elections will determine the mayors of 335 municipalities. The state of Guayana Esequiba (whose governor was elected on May 25, the last regional vote) is yet to define its political-territorial layout and thus won’t be involved this time.

According to a review by TalCual, 62.68% of current mayors are seeking re-election next Sunday. Among them are long-standing mayors who have held municipal power for two decades—all of them from the ruling chavista party. These include Giuseppe Palmieri (Palmasola, Falcón), José Otalora (Santos Marquina, Mérida), Onofrio Cavallo (Turén, Portuguesa), and Natalia Chacón (Lobatera, Táchira).

Such share of incumbents seeking re-election, political analyst Enderson Sequera points out, is rooted in two fundamental causes. “First, the absence of participation from the democratic opposition—those who won the July 28th presidential election—limits the renewal and refreshing of leadership and candidacies,” he explains.

Another 26 mayors from opposition-aligned parties—Fuerza Vecinal, Acción Democrática, and Un Nuevo Tiempo—across 13 states have served eight years and are now seeking an additional four.

The second reason, he adds, is that “chavismo and its tailored opposition are both outdated, stagnant structures. Their leadership is based on loyalty rather than the renewal of grassroots support.”

The re-election syndrome

The figure of indefinite re-election was established in Venezuela through a 2009 constitutional amendment promoted by Hugo Chávez. In a survey by TalCual, it was found that PSUV mayors Carmen Benítez (Candelaria, Trujillo) and Luis Duque (Sucre, Yaracuy) have already held office for 17 years and are now seeking to extend their mandates again—meaning they could surpass two decades in power in their respective municipalities.

Alexander Naser has been mayor of San Juan de Capistrano (Boca de Uchire, Anzoátegui) since 2013, and Elbert Vivas has led Pedro Gual (Cúpira, Miranda) since 2014—both also affiliated with PSUV.

Another 26 mayors from opposition-aligned parties—Fuerza Vecinal, Acción Democrática, and Un Nuevo Tiempo—across 13 states have served eight years and are now seeking an additional four.. These include Gustavo Duque (Chacao, Miranda), León Jurado (San Diego, Carabobo), Darwin González (Baruta, Miranda), Yonys González (Sucre, Zulia), Morel Rodríguez (Maneiro, Nueva Esparta), and Alenis Guerrero (Santa Rita, Zulia).

But is new leadership even possible? Repression intensified following last year’s presidential election, which left over 2,200 people detained according to the Chief Prosecutor’s own figures. While more than half of those arrested in the election’s aftermath were released under precautionary measures, selective arrests targeting opposition activists—especially during the lead-up to July 28—have continued.

Since the last local elections in 2021, 10.98% of the country’s municipalities have had “issues” with their mayors.

According to the La Hora de Venezuela initiative, at least 253 political leaders and activists were detained by security forces between July 28, 2024 and May 25, 2025. Most of these arbitrary arrests targeted members of Vente Venezuela, the party founded and led by opposition leader María Corina Machado.

Accusations of “plots”, “conspiracies” and other alleged crimes—committed by both opposition and pro-government figures—have also contributed to leadership changes at the municipal level. Since the last local elections in 2021, 10.98% of the country’s municipalities have had “issues” with their mayors. Eighteen have been detained (two later released, one escaped prison), twelve were disqualified, three are under investigation for alleged corruption, four are being politically persecuted, and two died in office.

At least seven of the replacements—whether coming from municipal councils (like Lilys Osuna in El Tigre and Lasmit Verde in Carora) or from executive roles in mayoral offices (like Adrián Romero in Maracaibo)—are now seeking to stay in power.

Six other replacements, all from the ruling party, are also running to remain in their posts following resignations or promotions. These include Dina Castillo Ortega in Valencia and Diógenes Lara in Sucre, as well as those who stepped in when their predecessors were elected governors: Ornella Arbeláez in Piar replacing Yulisbeth García, the current governor of Bolívar; Lisbed Parada in Urachiche replacing Yaracuy governor Leonardo Intoci, Edgar Labarca in Mara replacing Luis Caldera in Zulia; and Asnardo Rodríguez in Tucupita replacing Delta Amacuro governor Loa Tamaronis.