Under new leadership, Venezuela’s telecoms regulator has dispensed with all the legal niceties. The time between you criticizing the government and your station being taken off of cable grids is now down to mere minutes in some cases.
The government of one of the world’s most dangerous countries has just started doxing its opponents. But it's the opposition that is fascist.
I was on that highway, when all hell broke loose. I would've jumped in the Guaire, too, if I'd had the chance. I just couldn't get there.
For every Venezuelan detained during protests, there is a suffering family facing fear, uncertainty, and dizzying legal requirements before a loved one can be freed. All of this is by design.
It's hard to overstate the media blackout Venezuelans are subjected to. Until you see what the government reports instead. Here's a few choice tweets from chavismo's alternate, and coldhearted, reality.
There was something seriously wrong with this choreography between GNB and criminals, too shameless really, even for chavismo.
A night of looting and intense violence in Caracas's sprawling El Valle slum, directly opposite Fuerte Tiuna. Shocking images streamed onto Twitter all night, making "El Valle" a worldwide trending topic, amid a complete news blackout from censored local media.
Yesterday, under the onslaught of tear gas, desperate opposition protesters jumped into the toxic Rio Guaire. Twelve years after Hugo Chávez promised to clean up the river, hundreds of millions have been spent for no results at all.
Although marchers from both sides met several times yesterday, there was no hint of violence between them. The violence we saw pitted the opposition not against chavista civilians, but against the security forces, which launched enough tear gas at us to reach even pro-government demonstrators in Plaza Venezuela.
We sent our intrepid reporter Gaby J. Miller to hang out on Avenida Bolívar yesterday. Bizarrely enough, what she found was a party atmosphere.
The day ends with two dead, many tear gassed, news blacked out, and a regime that looks every bit as hopeless but also every bit as strong as it did this morning. Normal.
Virtually everything you think you know about the revolt in Caracas on April 19th, 1810 is wrong. Then 207 years from now nobody will be able to make heads or tails of today's protests, either.
Inhabilitaciones have become the government's go-to mechanism for cherry-picking its opponents. Here's a refresher for those who've lost count.
Human Rights Watch reports on the increasingly desperate Venezuelans fleeing to Brazil's Roraima State.
Chavismo lies. It also supports torture, disappearances, arbitrary arrests and mock trials.
The regime may have Communicational Hegemony. But we have Whatsapp.
Since last year, short-end Venny bonds have been possibly the one asset class worldwide that can more than double the worth of your portfolio in a year — aside from cocaine. That can't last, obvs, but man has the ride been sweet.
Amid the generalized political turmoil of recent days, this Holy Week has been anything but holy. Here's a few things you should know about Venezuela, religion and politics.
On a drizzly Jueves Santo, thousands of opositores marched through the west of Caracas. The cops didn't show up; the march was perfectly calm. Here's the story of an afternoon that drove a stake through the government's propaganda line.
A chilling, first-hand account of a doctor refusing to turn a battered protester in to "law enforcement" puts a new spin on the word "terrorist."
Caracas Chronicles is committed to social justice. Please spare a moment of your day to help this government oppressor get his deserved holiday travel.
According to the government, this past week has been all about fried fish, pristine beaches, and no dead protesters.
As I rushed the dictatorship’s goons, surrounded by a swarm of fellow protesters, I suddenly realized: this is exhilarating.
Don't be fooled by talk of 'repo' deals, Venezuela is pawning assets in international credit markets for pennies on the dollar on genuinely horrendous terms.
The President’s choice to allow angry people in San Félix to come near him may have been a blunder.
As broadcast media impose a virtual blackout on news about anti-government protest —on an April 12th, no less!— journalists nationwide face violence, intimidation and harassment as they try to do their jobs.
For years, chavismo has organized a big counter-demonstration whenever the opposition hits the streets. We went to yesterday’s government rally on Puente Llaguno. There was no one there.
A night of mayhem. Riots, protests and burning barricades deep in government strongholds. And that video. That VIDEO!
A photo essay of yesterday's protest, which was dispersed before it could even start.
The Student Movement is aware of the big responsibility they face: their influence grows as political parties loose strength.
It isn't that the State Security forces are moving in with tear gas to disperse rowdy, even violent protests. It's that they're tear gassing people protesting in total calm, causing a confrontation that wouldn't take place otherwise.
Chances are, as you’re sitting there struggling to breathe, your eyes in pain and your chest feeling like it’s on fire, you have some questions.
While the media fixates on Caracas, yesterday saw tough protests all over Venezuela. Here we look at four that were brutally beat back by the police, in Aragua, Carabobo, Mérida and Táchira.
The Venezuelan regime is moving to shut down access not just to broadcast media but even to online sources of video news, including even the National Assembly’s official online channel.
An explosive report in El Nacional peels back the curtain on La Red: the government’s system for infiltrating opposition protests, turning them violent, and collecting intelligence in the process.
Protests in Caracas were met with a shocking, shocking amount of tear gas today. Some of it red.
The leader of COPEI has sough protection in the Chilean Embassy after being accused of conspiracy and facing a military tribunal. One more notch in the political persecution belt of the Venezuelan government.
Because pictures of resistance are worth thousands and thousands of words. See you tomorrow!
Henrique Capriles Radonski has been barred from running for public office for the next fifteen years.
A Rip Van Winkle waking up from a week-long sleep today would hardly recognize the political moment Venezuela is now living.
Nothing you learn in Business School will prepare you for interpreting the whirlwind of bad news PDVSA has been facing this year.
Tribunal Supremo de Justicia doubles down.
There are two options when confronting Caracazo: digesting it, or spitting it out. Either we see it as an Estallido Social of shortsightedness and savage chaos, or as the awareness-creating moment of a massive political movement against imperialist neoliberalism. Two readings, two Venezuelas.
27F filled our homes with ghosts, with espantos. The faces of the dead, which some tried to erase from memory. The sense of what it's like to lose any trace of the rule of law. The voices of the prophets who told us that other tragedies would come. We were never the same after those days in 1989.
Today, an exclusive: La Vida Bohème created this video as backup visuals for their live shows following their second, Grammy-winning album, Será. It's never been shown outside that context...until today. The piece was curated by Armando Añez, also a Venezuelan musician, currently known as Recordatorio.
The events of 1989 carry traces of social trauma: it transcends history and lives ambivalently as a portmanteau fantasy, carrying both fears and desires.
I sat down to ask my father about the Caracazo, about what he remembered and why he thought it happened. I was eager for answers...but not as eager as he was.
El Sacudón started in Guarenas and soon spread to Caracas and other cities. By noon of the 28th, the government finally responded, and with extreme force. So the biggest riots in modern Venezuelan history became the biggest exhibition of military and police brutality.
Before we start questioning why a social upheaval has not yet broken out this year, we have to come to terms with Caracazo's political meaning. The similarities are deceiving, and the bets for a second coming are disingenuous, or misguided. The Caracazo, you see, never really left.
After years of policy paralysis, Venezuela simply ran out of money when oil prices failed to recover in time. Sound familiar? Reading about Venezuela’s economic conditions in 1989 is a drawn out exercise in déjà vu. But how real are the parallels, and to what extent do we forget about the differences?
The Caracazo is ingrained in our collective psyche so deeply it’s now more myth than event. There are as many different versions of what happened out there as there are agendas prompting them. But what really happened? In the first of a three-part series, we look at what actually happened in Venezuela betwen February 27th and March 2nd, 1989.
CARACAZO in the Media - Curated by Gustavo Hernández A.
Caracazo - 27 de Febrero (Imágenes sin editar) Parte 1/6 - Twitter: @caracazo_
Caracazo - 27 de Febrero (Imágenes sin editar) Parte 2/6 - Twitter: @caracazo_
Caracazo - 27 de Febrero (Imágenes sin editar) Parte 3/6 - Twitter: @caracazo_
Caracazo - 27 de Febrero (Imágenes sin editar) Parte 6/6 - Twitter: @caracazo_
Caracazo - 27 de Febrero (Imágenes sin editar) Parte 5/6 - Twitter: @caracazo_